重庆自考网  
教育人生网合作招生
  • 重庆金融英语培训:占领华尔街
  • 2014/5/7 20:54:08
  • 从16岁时起,他就是一个无政府主义者;他从事人类学研究,在人类学界是一个重要人物;他曾是一名学者,因激进的政治主张被耶鲁大学解聘;现在,他任教于伦敦大学,积极组织和参与了多个为争取公平正义而进行的抗争活动;他提出了新的经济学观点,虽与主流经济学理论格格不入,但让更多人看到了其他可能;2011年,他和其他积极分子一道发起了轰动全球、声势浩大的革命性运动——“占领华尔街”。他就是此次运动的发起者之一——戴维·格雷伯。
    David Graeber likes to say that he had three goals for the year 2011: promote his book, learn to drive, and launch a worldwide revolution. The first is going well, the second has proven challenging, and the third is looking up.
    Graeber is a 51-year-old anthropologist. An American, he teaches at Goldsmiths, University of London. He’s also an anarchist1) and radical organizer. In the summer of 2011, Graeber was a key member of a small band of activists who quietly planned, then noisily carried out, the occupation of Lower Manhattan’s Zuccotti Park2), providing the focal point for what has grown into an amorphous3) global movement known as Occupy Wall Street.
    It would be wrong to call Graeber a leader of the protesters, since their insistently nonhierarchical philosophy makes such a concept heretical4). Nor is he a spokesman, since they have refused thus far to outline specific demands. Even in Zuccotti Park, his name isn’t widely known. But he has been one of the group’s most articulate voices, able to frame the movement’s welter5) of hopes and grievances within a deeper critique of the historical moment.
    Graeber’s politics have been shaped by his experience in global justice protests over the years, but they are also fed by the other half of his life: his work as an anthropologist. Graeber’s latest book, published two months before the start of Occupy Wall Street, is entitled Debt: The First 5,000 Years. It is an alternate history of the rise of money and markets, a sprawling6), erudite7), provocative work. In the book he explores the ambivalent attitudes people have always had about debt: as obligation and sin, engine of economic growth and tool of oppression. Along the way, he tries to answer questions such as why so many people over the course of history have simultaneously believed that it is a matter of morality to repay debts and that those who lend money for a living are evil.
    Graeber’s arguments place him squarely at odds with8) mainstream economic thought, and the discipline has, for the most part, ignored him. But his timing couldn’t be better to reach a popular audience. His writing provides an intellectual frame and a sort of genealogy9) for the movement he helped start. The inchoate10) anger of the Occupy Wall Street protesters tends to cluster around two things. One is the influence of money in politics. The other is debt: mortgages, credit-card debt, student loans, and the difference in how the debts of large financial companies and those of individual borrowers have been treated in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis.

    The Anti-Leader of Occupy Wall Street
    Graeber is small-framed and fidgety11), with a pale boyish face and blue eyes. He dresses like a graduate student and speaks fast, in bursts punctuated by long ums, a ragged laugh, or pauses to catch his breath. He doesn’t make much eye contact. When finishing a thought, he has a habit of ducking his head and arching his eyebrows, as if he has just heard a faint but alarming sound.
    Graeber began the summer of 2011 on sabbatical12), moving back to New York from London and frequenting an artists’ space called 16Beaver. It was an intellectual activist salon, located near Wall Street, the sort of place where people would discuss topics like semiotics13) and the struggles of indigenous14) peoples. Like many other American activists, Graeber had been deeply moved by the occupation of Cairo’s Tahrir Square15); in mid-July, he published a short piece in Adbusters16) asking what it would take to trigger a similar uprising in the West. For much of the summer, the discussions at 16Beaver revolved around exactly that question.
    On July 13, Adbusters put out its own call for a Wall Street occupation, to take place two months later, on Sept. 17. Setting the date and publicizing it was the extent of the magazine’s involvement. A group called New Yorkers Against Budget Cuts—student activists and community leaders from some of the city’s poorer neighborhoods—stepped in to execute the rest. After talking to Adbusters, the group began advertising a “People’s General Assembly” to “Oppose Cutbacks And Austerity Of Any Kind” and plan the Sept. 17 occupation.
    The assembly was to be held in Bowling Green17), the downtown Manhattan park. Graeber had heard about the meeting at 16Beaver, and the afternoon of Aug. 2, 2011 he went to Bowling Green with two friends—Georgia Sagri and Sabu Kohso.
    A “general assembly” is a carefully facilitated group discussion through which decisions are made—not by a few leaders, or even by majority rule, but by consensus. Unresolved questions are referred to working groups within the assembly, but eventually everyone has to agree, even in assemblies that swell into the thousands.
    When Graeber and his friends showed up on Aug. 2, however, they found out that the event wasn’t, in fact, a general assembly, but a traditional rally, to be followed by a short meeting and a march to Wall Street to deliver a set of predetermined demands. In anarchist argot18), the event was being run by “verticals”—top-down organizations—rather than “horizontals” such as Graeber and his friends. Sagri and Graeber felt they’d been had19), and they were angry.
    What happened next sounds like an anarchist parable. Along with Kohso, the two recruited several other people disgruntled20) with the proceedings, then walked to the south end of the park and began to hold their own general assembly, getting down to the business of planning the Sept. 17 occupation. The original dozen or so people gradually swelled, despite the efforts of the event’s planners to bring them back to the rally. The tug of war21) lasted until late in the evening, but eventually all of the 50 or so people remaining at Bowling Green had joined the insurgent22) general assembly.
    While there were weeks of planning yet to go, the important battle had been won. The show would be run by horizontals. For Graeber the next month and a half was a carousel23) of meetings. He facilitated24) some of them and spent much of the rest of his time in working group meetings. He organized legal and medical training and classes on nonviolent resistance. The group endlessly discussed what demands to make, or whether to have demands at all.
    On Sept. 17, barely an hour before the scheduled 3 p.m. start time, the word went out to go to Zuccotti Park instead, and 2,000 people converged on the now famous patch of stone flooring, low benches, and trees. It was a fortunate choice: Zuccotti is a privately owned park, so the city doesn’t have the right to remove the protesters. Graeber helped facilitate the general assembly that night in which they decided to camp out in the park rather than immediately march on Wall Street.
    戴维·格雷伯常常说他2011年有三个目标:宣传他的新书,学会开车,发动一场世界性的革命。第一个目标进展顺利,第二个目标充满挑战,第三个目标正风生水起。
    格雷伯是一位人类学家,现年51岁。他是美国人,在伦敦大学的戈德史密斯学院任教。他同时也是个无政府主义者和激进活动的组织人。2011年夏,格雷伯成了一个小的激进团体的主要成员,他们先是悄悄策划,然后高调实施了对曼哈顿下城区祖科蒂公园的占领。这次占领引发了人们的关注,关注的焦点就是后来发展成无固定组织的全球运动——“占领华尔街”。
    称格雷伯为抗议者的领袖并不恰当,因为他们一再坚持的“无等级理念”与“领袖”这个词格格不入。他也不是代言人,因为迄今为止他们一直拒绝提出任何具体的要求。即使在祖科蒂公园,格雷伯的名字也并非广为人知。但他却是这一团体中最善于表达的一员,他能将这一运动所承载的希望与愤懑交织的情感诉求,表达在对这一历史性时刻的深刻评论中。
    多年以来,格雷伯一直参与全球为争取公平正义而进行的抗争活动,这些经历影响着他的政治主张,但影响他政治主张的还有他生活的另一面,那就是他作为人类学家的工作。在“占领华尔街”运动爆发前的两个月,格雷伯出版了他的新书,书名为《债务:第一个五千年》。这是一部关于货币与市场兴起的另类历史,洋洋洒洒,引经据典,发人深省。在书中,他探讨了人们一直以来对债务所持的矛盾态度:既是义务又是罪恶,既是经济增长的引擎,又是剥削压迫的工具。在剖析过程中,他试图回答诸如这样的问题:在历史的进程中,为什么有那么多人既认为欠债还钱乃天经地义,但同时又认为靠放贷为生的人充满罪恶。
    格雷伯的言论使他完全站在了主流经济学理论的对立面,因此,在很大程度上,他被经济学界忽视了。但他抓住了这次运动提供的最佳时机,引起了大众读者的兴趣。这部作品为他鼎力促成的占领运动提供了理论框架和历史渊源。“占领华尔街”的抗议者们最初的愤怒主要围绕两点。一个是金钱对政治的影响。另一个是债务:房贷、信用卡债务、学生贷款,以及在2008年金融危机爆发之后,个人借贷者和大型金融机构欠下的债务受到的不同待遇。

    “占领华尔街”运动的发起者
    格雷伯身材瘦小,性情烦躁,长着一张苍白的娃娃脸,蓝眼睛。他穿得像个研究生,说话语速很快,爆发的阵阵语流中夹杂着长长的“呃”字、刺耳的大笑,或短暂的停顿来调整呼吸。他与别人没有太多的目光交流。每当说出一个想法,他总喜欢猛地低下头,耸起眉毛,好像是听到了一个微弱但却令人警惕的声音。
    2011年夏天伊始,格雷伯开始休假,他从伦敦回到了纽约,经常出入一个名为“海狸16号”的艺术家聚集处。这是一个激进知识分子的沙龙,就在华尔街附近。在这里,人们经常谈论一些诸如符号学和原住民艰辛生活的话题。和美国其他许多激进分子一样,格雷伯被发生在埃及首都开罗的占领解放广场的行动深深触动。7月中旬,他在《广告克星》杂志上发表了一篇短文,质问到底需要什么才能在西方引发一场类似的抗议活动。在这个夏天的大部分时间里,“海狸16号”所讨论的话题也都围绕着这个问题。
    7月13日,《广告克星》发布了杂志关于“占领华尔街”的倡议,并计划该活动于两个月后的9月17日进行。确定日期并将之公布于众——杂志能为这次活动做的也只能这么多了。剩下的活动是由一个名叫“反对削减预算的纽约客”的组织来参与执行的,这个组织的成员是学生激进分子和纽约市一些贫困社区的社区领导人。在和《广告克星》交流之后,这个组织开始为举行“人民全体大会”作宣传,以“反对任何形式的削减和紧缩政策”,并计划于9月17日实施占领。
    大会计划在位于曼哈顿闹市区的博林格林公园里举行。格雷伯在“海狸16号”听到了会议将要举行的消息,便于2011年8月2日下午和两个朋友一起前往博林格林公园——他们是乔治娅·萨格里和佐布小松。
    所谓“全体大会”,就是一个经过精心协调组织的集体讨论,讨论中达成的决定不是由少数领导人决定的,甚至也不是由少数服从多数的原则来决定的,而是必须要全体一致通过。未能解决的问题将提交给大会工作小组,但最终还是要得到每个人的赞同,哪怕这个大会拥有数千名会众。
    然而,当格雷伯和他的两位朋友8月2日出现在博林格林公园时,他们却发现这次集会事实上并不是什么“全体大会”,而是传统性集会。集合之后有一个简短的会议,然后他们就要走上华尔街,去散布一系列预先确定好的诉求。用无政府主义者的行话来说,这一活动是由“纵向机构”组织的,即由上到下、等级森严的组织,而不是像格雷伯和他的朋友那样的“横向组织”。萨格里和格雷伯觉得他们被欺骗了,感到十分生气。
    后来发生的事情听起来就像是一个无政府主义者的寓言。和小松一道,他们两人又召集了其他一些对会议程序不满的人,走到公园的最南端,开始举行他们自己的全体大会,认认真真地筹划起9月17日的占领活动。他们的人数从最初的十几个人逐渐壮大起来。其间,原先会议的筹办者还不断努力想把人们拉回去。这种拉锯战一直持续到当天很晚的时候,但最终留在博林格林公园的大约五十多人加入了“反对派”的全体大会。
    虽然还需要几个星期的筹划,但关键的一战已经获胜。占领活动将由平等的横向组织者来操办。对格雷伯来说,今后一个半月要面对的是走马灯般的会议。有些会议是格雷伯本人促成的,剩下的大部分时间他都在参加工作小组会议。他组织了法律和医疗培训,开办了非暴力抵抗的课程。他们一遍又一遍地讨论应该提出什么诉求,或者到底要不要提出具体的诉求。
    9月17日,离预定的开始时间——下午3点——差不多还有一个小时的时间,人们忽然得到消息,说要改去祖科蒂公园。于是,两千多人就聚集在那块现在已经非常出名的石头地面上,坐在低矮的长椅上和树荫下。这是一次幸运的决策:祖科蒂公园是一家私人公园,因而纽约市当局无权驱散这里的抗议者。那天晚上,格雷伯帮助组织了全体大会,会上他们决定在公园露营,而不是立刻进军华尔街。

    重庆英语培训名校推荐:重庆韦博英语          重庆环球雅思学校
    相关阅读:
    重庆韦博英语:淘宝已经充满了我们的生活

     

    (你正在阅读“重庆金融英语培训:占领华尔街”,查看更多:重庆金融英语资料,查看最新:教育资讯
相关课程
学校课程上课地点开班日期优惠价
分享到:
023-81702801
咨询:在线咨询 
新闻分类列表
一周教育新闻点击排行
Copyright © 2004-2020 edulife.com.cn All rights reserved. 沪ICP备17006735号-4